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At the end of the year, the President had filled only 9 of the 16 positions. The Court serves as an appellate tribunal for questions of law and fact, but it does not have authority to interpret the Constitution. The Constitution reserves this role for a Constitutional Court, a bench that remained empty throughout the year. Municipal courts normally deal rapidly with routine civil and misdemeanor cases on a daily basis. Judges are normally respected laymen, not licensed lawyers. The judge and two laymen selected by the full court act as jury.

Routine cases are normally dispatched by a court within 3 months. The verdict is pronounced the day following the conclusion of the trial, in the presence of the defendant. UNITA has not set up an independent judicial system, but it has a military and civilian court system in several provinces. Trials are never public. Jonas Savimbi appoints the judges. The juries consist of elderly men chosen from the community. Reportedly the accused person has the right to a lawyer. Two national humanitarian assistance workers arrested in Huambo were to be tried in private and were not permitted outside counsel; however, they disappeared when government forces recaptured the city.

The law requires judicial search warrants, and in practice the law is respected. However, as far as known there were no search warrants issued before the roundup of Lebanese and other Fuck my wife in waku kungo businessmen in There were credible reports that the Government carried out indiscriminate bombing between March and May on the provincial capital of N'Dalatando. The Government never revealed the death toll, but a large percentage of the casualties was reportedly civilian. In June Free dating sites: the top 10 best sites to heavy com: scammer dating format Chief of Staff of the armed forces admitted government fighter aircraft mistakenly bombed a village school in Waku Kungo, Cuanza Sul, reportedly killing 89 children.

There were also credible reports Fuck my wife in waku kungo government soldiers targeted displaced women, stealing their humanitarian food rations and raping them. The military was also responsible for the murder of an Angolan humanitarian relief worker in Malange; and provincial authorities often harassed relief workers and refused to comply with regulations governing the distribution of humanitarian assistance. UNITA caused the mortality rate to rise considerably by withholding clearance for the majority of the humanitarian flights from May to late August to the besieged provincial capitals of Malange and Kuito, and sometimes fired on aircraft.

In response the Government denied humanitarian assistance flights to Huambo and Uige. Credible sources, including eyewitnesses, reported that both sides forcibly conscripted children as young as 12 into military service throughout Angola. Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: Freedom of Speech and Press Although the Constitution provides for freedom of expression, in reality free speech is muted in the National Assembly, and the Government tightly controls the media, including media access to controversial public figures. Luanda's commercial radio station LAC and the weekly newspaper Correio da Semana are privately owned but are not independent. In mid even LAC was told to cancel a popular daily program somewhat critical of the Government.

Media policy and censorship are controlled by a committee composed of the Minister of Information, the press spokesman for the Presidency, and the directors of the state-owned radio, television, and newspaper. Additionally, the Prime Minister has staff devoted exclusively to censoring the government-owned and controlled newspaper Jornal de Angola. Although national radio has separate stations in each provincial capital, broadcasters must clear all programs with national radio headquarters in Luanda. There are five private radio stations in Luanda which censor themselves. The Government resorted to even stricter censorship in response to enhanced public awareness of human rights, which has evolved despite the war.

Journalists admit they are under self- censorship and that repeated "errors in judgment" result in dismissal. The only source of news about the war acceptable to the Government is the spokesperson for the Chief of Staff of the armed forces. The Government is more liberal with foreign news agencies, such as the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Corporation, in part because most people lack the equipment needed to receive international transmissions. Credible members of the independent Angolan Journalists Syndicate SJA alleged in that the Government continued to restrict press freedom, including access to controversial public figures. The cause of death of the journalist mentioned in Section 1.

The SJA did not the challenge the determination. Regarding the death of two journalists inthe SJA said that the Government has never published the results of their investigation, and the SJA is powerless to do anything about it. Foreign journalists must register with the government press center to obtain access to officials and to travel within Angola. Academic life has been severely circumscribed by the war, and the university is barely functioning. There is academic freedom; academics do not practice self-censorship.

Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association The Constitution provides for the right of peaceful assembly with 3-day notification and the right of association. However, in practice the Government carefully controls both assembly and association. For example, authorities in Luanda vetoed plans, properly submitted in advance, for a commemoration on the first anniversary of Bakongos killed in a military- and police- inspired massacre in Januarywarning of serious repercussions for anyone who congregated on the anniversary see Section 1. Regulations allow the Government to deny required registration to private associations on security grounds.

The Government uses its powers arbitrarily to limit association activities deemed inimical to its interests, such as in the case of the Angolan Human Rights Association see Section 4. UNITA did not allow freedom of assembly and association in areas under its control. Freedom of Religion Freedom of religion, including separation of church and state, is provided for in the Constitution and respected in practice. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation The civil war greatly inhibited freedom of movement within the country and forced large numbers of persons to flee combat areas.

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However, wartime ij prevented physical access to many areas of the country by humanitarian organizations, and the exact number of persons severely affected by the war remained unknown. While citizens have the legal right to change residence and awku in government-controlled areas, the scarcity of habitable dwellings as well as massive unemployment and underemployment effectively impeded most voluntary changes. The Government restricted travel of its citizens wakk, largely by limiting access to foreign exchange or, in the case of UNITA leaders, denying permission outright. At the same time, MPLA deputies and high-level government officials had unlimited access to foreign exchange and the right to travel abroad.

Fuc, are substantiated reports that the Government impeded opposition party leaders from traveling from Luanda FFuck their constituencies in sife interior. Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government While the Angolan people for the first time exercised their constitutional right to change their government saku peaceful means in the September presidential and legislative elections, the resumption of the war stalled the democratization process, and Fuck my wife in waku kungo second jy of presidential elections had to Asian playmate naked postponed indefinitely.

Consequently, governmental power, including in the National Assembly, remained exclusively in the hands of a small group within the MPLA. The National Assembly kunho of deputies, elected on a national basis and 90 elected to represent the provinces. There are several deputies representing smaller parties. However, few opposition deputies participated in National Assembly debate. MPLA deputies have admitted publicly that National Assembly debate Fuck my wife in waku kungo superfluous, and the Assembly simply rubberstamped the Presidency's initiatives. The Minister of the Interior attempted to impeach an opposition deputy for having criticized the Government in the international media.

The opposition deputy apologized formally to the Government in order to retain his seat. Several months later, policemen reportedly attempted to kill that same deputy. The Government's investigation of the incident was not completed at year's end. Cake dating site progress had been made at year's end. In the Government prepared guidelines for wief government elections, scheduled to take place 2 years after the presidential and legislative elections. However, at the end ofthe Council of Ministers had taken no action on the guidelines, effectively shelving local elections indefinitely.

While there are no legal barriers to the participation of indigenous people in the political process, they are underrepresented in the National Assembly and do not participate actively in politics see Section 5. Women occupied 32 of the National Assembly seats. One of the nine Supreme Court judges is a woman, and there are three women in the Prime Minister's Cabinet. There were no actively functioning Angolan nongovernmental human rights associations or groups. The Angolan Human Rights Association ADHA was inactive inbecause its leaders, both the president and the secretary general, were deeply embroiled in defending themselves against spurious law suits, reportedly instigated by the Government.

ADHA published a report on Angola's prisons in January that was the genesis of constant Interior Ministry harassment and subsequent imprisonment of the Association's leaders. It was unable to create mechanisms to enforce existing laws to protect the rights of Angolans, and human rights issues received very low priority in National Assembly debate. While frequently harassing and limiting relief operations, the Government and UNITA did allow a variety of international NGO's access to much of the territory under their respective control. They were much less willing, however, to allow human rights investigations.

Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status Angola is a multiracial society, and the Constitution states that all citizens are equal regardless of race, ethnic origin, sex, religion, or social status. Women The deterioration of the social and economic situation, a consequence of the war and poor governance, has had a negative effect on the status of women. Although women held senior positions in the military primarily in the medical fieldcivil service, and political parties, they held mainly low-level positions in state-run industries and in the small private economy.

The law proclaims equal pay for equal work, but in practice women were not compensated equally. Adult women may open a bank account, accept employment, and own property without interference from their spouse. While little information was available on the extent of domestic violence, a study published by a renowned journalist indicated that spousal violence is widespread and growing. The study indicated that one-third of all homicides were perpetrated against women, usually by their spouse. The study revealed that women are not treated as fairly as men in a court of law, even though the Constitution provides for equality.

In many besieged cities, women swelled the ranks of the handicapped because, in foraging in the fields for food to feed their families, they often set off land mines. Due to dire economic circumstances, increasing numbers of adult women and girls engage in prostitution, and the clergy report that marriages are breaking down at an alarming rate. Children The Government has given only marginal attention to children's rights and welfare. A major problem in was the growing presence of street children in Luanda and other cities, one indication of the structural breakdown in Angola's family institutions caused by the war and the deteriorating economy.

Young females are often accepted into private homes as domestics while young males roam the market places and streets. The living conditions in government youth hostels are deplorable, and the majority of the homeless children prefer to sleep on city streets. The government-sponsored National Institute for Children, viewed as an MPLA organ, has not seriously addressed the problems children face and has been indifferent toward efforts by international NGO's to assist dispossessed youth. However, the Government cooperated with international NGO's in establishing a camp for young Angolans on the outskirts of Luanda.

The project was only partially successful in keeping children from returning to the city streets and crime. There were no active private children's rights advocacy groups. It cannot be verified whether female genital mutilation is practiced in Angola.

However, medical authorities say that it may have occurred in limited fashion in remote areas of Moxico wie, bordering Zaire and Zambia. Indigenous People Angola's population includes 1 to 2 percent of preliterate tribes. Mostly hunters Fuck my wife in waku kungo gatherers, these Khoisan and other linguistically wige groups are scattered throughout the southern provinces of Namibe, Cunene, and Cuando Cubango. There is no kunggo that they suffer from official discrimination or harassment, but they do not participate actively in the political or economic life of the country and have a marginal ability to influence government decisions concerning their interests.

The MPLA is heavily supported by the Mbundu ethnic group, which makes up an estimated 25 percent of the population, and by many city dwellers, notably in Luanda. Mj also has strong backing among the small number mu white and mixed-race Angolans who occupy technical and governmental positions. Election results indicated a mmy level of support among other ethnic groups apart from the Ovimbundu. UNITA has its principal backing among the country's largest single ethnic group, the Ovimbundu, who make up an estimated 37 percent of the population and are concentrated in the central and southern parts of Angola.

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